NOVEMBER 21, 2008 EST, USA
 
 
VOL. 9, NO. 230
 

TLA-Exclusive Feature Articles
CALL OF THE CONSCIENCE
Manoranjan Selliah, August 27. Even as we welcome you to this important exhibition, I want to begin by remembering those civilians who are at this very moment suffering from a brutal war in Sri Lanka. So many have been displaced and are living in desperate conditions. Many have lost relatives and continue to live in uncertainly about their own lives as the war around them escalates. Many youth and children have been recruited, mostly by force, to be used as cannon fodder in a war that means little to their innocent lives. And over the last year, many ordinary people have been disappeared, tortured, bombed and massacred by both sides of this senseless war. This exhibition is about such ordinary people and their suffering. It is also about ordinary people who did extraordinary work, who rose to the occasion to challenge the madness of war; who believed in the value of dissent, and often paid the supreme price of their lives. My conscience, and we think your conscience, demands that we respond to the call to remember such people. And in mourning and honouring those whom we have lost, we hope that we can change the future for the next generation of young Muslims, Sinhalese and Tamils who are waiting at the edge of war and precarious lives—lives of trouble and sorrow, yes, but also of hope.Discuss this story

I want to talk to you a little bit about my own life, my youth, and how I was influenced by ordinary people in a time of war. As a young person growing up in Kandy, I witnessed first-hand the violence against Tamils in the 1977 riots. I saw how the riots spread, with tensions developing even inside my own school between Sinhalese and Tamil students. I saw how Tamil houses and shops were looted and burned. Our house and property was damaged, but our Sinhalese neighbours protected my entire family. In our history, 1977 was significant, as it was the first major communal riot after 1958 that my family remembered. After 19 years of political demands and challenges by the Tamil community, the ruling regime of Sri Lanka was able to incite such cruel violence, shaking the confidence of ordinary Tamils.

Then came the horrible riots of 1983. Again thousands of people were killed. We heard of even political prisoners who were massacred in prison. While again our Sinhalese friends protected many of us, like other Tamil youth I was very angry. I could not accept the response of the Sri Lankan state, as the police watched on and sometimes even participated in the violence that mercilessly attacked Tamils, while we were dependent on the goodwill of ordinary Sinhalese who helped us and saved our lives. And that is when I, along with so many other Tamil youth from the South, went to the North to work towards what we all believed was the liberation of Tamil people. We went with much hope and a sense of duty to serve our people.

While the first couple of years of political work opened our minds and we learned so much about our community, very soon all that youthful enthusiasm was shut down. First, there was the killing of individuals labelled as “traitors”. And then in 1984, the Anuradhapura massacre of over one hundred Sinhalese pilgrims. And then that horror of April 28th 1986, when a pathological killing machine from within our own community was unleashed against our fellow youth, in the form of the LTTE massacre of the other militant group TELO. This is when our broader community witnessed the brutality of Tamil militancy, as Tamil youth hunted down, murdered, tortured and burned alive other Tamil youth in the streets of Jaffna. The bulk of those massacred here were Tamil youth who had come from other parts of the country to join TELO, while many of the youth from Jaffna were quietly spared. The violence that grew inside our community like a cancer with such incidents, also led to a culture of fear, which effectively silenced ordinary people.

October 1990 is an unforgettable month as the entire population of Northern Muslims were ethnically cleansed out of the North by the LTTE. From Jaffna town to the most remote village, ordinary Muslim people who had lived side by side were forced to leave with nothing, within two days. And the entire Tamil community stood silent in the face of orders from the LTTE. Unlike the Sinhalese neighbours who could protect us during the riots of 1977 and 1983, we could not even attempt to help our Muslim brothers and sisters, and those with a conscience in the Tamil community could only weep in silence.

It is this culture of fear and paralysis that my fellow activists Rajani Thiranagama, Kethesh Loganathan, Selvanithi Thiagarajah and Wimalesvaran resisted. But even more importantly, so many unknown students and ordinary men and women also resisted on behalf of their community and their own sense of justice. The brutal murder of such ordinary people who represent the conscience of our community should also be remembered. Our entire community became trapped in the logic of war and militarization, and there was no goal other than the military goal and the strengthening of the LTTE, where the common man, woman and child simply became an instrument for war. The Tamil community has been made powerless in this way, also, by elements from within our community.

War and militarization has trapped our entire country, and it is ordinary Muslim, Sinhalese and Tamil people that are paying the price. It is the poor youth that are recruited to fight and die in the war, whether it is in the Sri Lankan armed forces or the LTTE. For those of us who have found the comfort and safety of life in Canada, we are given rational explanations for everything. We are told to look rationally at the Anuradhapura massacre, the eviction of the Muslims, the recruitment of children or the disappearances and massacres by the State. And for each community is a rationalized explanation for violence against the other community. But we want to challenge this rationalization of irrationality. We want to ask you to listen to the call of the conscience. Can we with a clear conscience justify the recruitment of another mother’s child, of the murder of another person’s son, of the eviction of another family?

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APRC PROPOSALS TO PRESIDENT
APRC, jan 25. The following are the proposals handed over to President Mahinda Rajapaksa by the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) yesterday, on fully implementing relevant provisions in the present Constitution, in order to achieve maximum and effective devolution of powers to the provinces in the short term More...

Features at Other Sites
NGOS AND THE VICTIM INDUSTRY
Lem Monde, Nov 4. The misadventures of the French charity Zoe’s Ark in Chad early last year (1) finally opened to question the motives and morality of aid agencies. For the first time an organisation was criticised in the media, rather than lauded for its good intentions. The humanitarian industry’s success made it inev itable its power would be abused. After the 2004 Southeast Asian tsunami, people had begun to question whether non-governmental organisations had the competence to administer the huge amounts of money they received. Discuss this Feature The ideology behind humanitarian aid depends on three principles. There must be universal human rights – a worthy premise, but problematic. You create victims whom you can save. Then you assert the right to have access to these victims. More...
“I MYSELF WILL TAKE CHARGE OF THE POLITICAL PROCESS AND SEE IT THROUGH POLITICALLY” - INTERVIEW WITH PRESIDENT RAJAPAKSE
Hindu, Oct 29. First of all, this issue has been there for a long time, more than 20 years, and it’s high time we came to a solution. As President of Sri Lanka, I am absolutely clear that there is, and can be, no military solution to political questions. I have always maintained this. A military solution is for the terrorists; a political solution is for the people living in this country. Discuss this story Let me reiterate that my government is firmly committed to a negotiated political solution — based on devolution of power and ensuring the democratic, political, including linguistic, rights of all our Tamil brethren within an undivided Sri Lanka. I would like to see more devolution to the people. It must go to the grassroots level, because they must decide on their development work, what they need. We must allow them to participate in the whole process. More...
'WE' ARE THE 'WE'
Gamini Weerakoon, October 12. Major General Janaka Perera's tragic death and that of his wife, and the deaths of Dr. Raja Johnpulle and his wife along with 27 others resulted in the call for 'national unity.' 'We must unite to fight terrorism,' it was said loud and clear. But one day after the foul killing of one of the greatest soldiers of Sri Lanka, those who were calling for unity in the wake of the foul murders, were unable to sanction the use of an air force helicopter to take the bodies of the slain couple to Anuradhapura. Discuss this story Apparently to the petty minded leaders at the top and their bureaucratic bootlickers, General Janaka Perera was not one of the 'We.' He was UNP and was being extended the same privilege as an ordinary Provincial Councillor! More...
D.B.WIJETUNGA: FROM GENTLEMAN FARMER TO CONSTITUTIONAL MONARCH
By D.B.S.JEYARAJ, sep 27. The most unforgettable thing about Dingiri Banda (DB) Wijetunga was his simple, disarming smile. Even the toughest of journalists warmed to that genial grin and thought twice about tossing a hostile question.Discuss this story More...
SRI LANKA IS LOSING ITS SOUL TO WAR
Peter Foster - Telegraph, Sep 24. Predictably in a conflict which stirs such bitterness, my last post on Sri Lanka and an analysis piece I wrote in Saturday's paper on Sri Lanka's human rights record has generated a slew of emails accusing me of failing to understand the conflict and ‘siding with the terrorists.'Discuss on TLA forum More...
25 YEARS AFTER WELIKADA MASSACRE
Dr.Rajan Hoole, July 23. Colombo’s Welikada high security prison was the scene of two massacres of Tamil political prisoners during the communal violence of July 1983, first after lunch on July 25 claiming 35 prisoners and second, about 4.00 PM on the July 27 claiming a further 18. On both occasions Secretary of Justice Mervyn Wijesinghe asked Colombo Magistrate Keerthi Srilal Wijewardene to hold inquests with the assistance of Tilak Marapone and C.R. de Silva (the present AG) from the Attorney General’s Department. No culprits were identified and the case was hushed up.TLA Forum The massacres made life a living hell also for those on the spot, who driven by moral aversion tried unsuccessfully stop them, but were not even allowed to clear their names. More...
TRAUMA IN THE VANNI: HUMAN GRIST TO THE MILLS OF DUAL HYPOCRISY
UTHR, July 8. At the time this report goes out, residents just out of the war zone in South Vanni have been hearing constant sounds of intense warfare. From the government side, shells and MBRLs were being fired north into the Vanni, even as Kfir jets dropped their lethal cargo. Many of the young dying on the frontlines or being horribly maimed were barely 17 years old, recently conscripted, trained and sent to the frontlines. For the civilians life is no less miserable. The respite only means intense preparation for the next round of bloodletting. Displaced many times and having gone back home during every abortive peace, they are on the run again. From Vidathalthivu, people are moving northward towards Illuppakadavai, Moondrampiddy and the Killinochchi border.Discuss this on TLA Forum More...
THE GREAT SRI LANKAN CONSPIRACY THEORY
Namini Wijedasa, July 6. When four criminals ambush a car in broad daylight near the Polhengoda army camp, brutally assault two innocent men with heavy wooden poles - and get away, never to be caught - you know something is amiss with human rights in this country.Discuss this on TLA Forum More...
THE SRI LANKAN CONFLICT A MULTI-POLAR APPROACH
Prof. Asoka Bandarage, June 16. Narrow interpretations of cultural identity and models of conflict resolution built on ethnic dualism contribute to ethnic polarization and inhibit sustainable peace. To improve both the analysis and processes of conflict resolution, it is necessary to move beyond the bipolar ethnic model and explore the multi-polar nature of conflicts. More...
NO RIGHT TO BE THERE
Guardian, May 17. It would seem self-evident that a country which tortures and kidnaps its own people has no place on the world's leading human rights body. Apparently not: Sri Lanka, despite repeated criticism for its human rights record, is running for re-election to the UN human rights council, with a vote to be held in New York on May 21.TLA FORUM More...
UNFINISHED BUSINESS OF THE FIVE STUDENTS AND ACF CASES – A TIME TO CALL THE BLUFF
UTHR, April 1. On 4th August 2006 17 aid workers were extrajudicially executed in their Action Contre la Faim (ACF) compound in Mutur town. Through blatant cover up by the Sri Lankan authorities, their experts, Attorney General and diplomats overseas the facts of killings have been suppressed along with any potential association between this massacre and the killing of five students on the Trincomalee foreshore on 2nd January 2006.Discuss this Article on TLA Forum More...
RECURRING NIGHTMARE STATE RESPONSIBILITY FOR “DISAPPEARANCES” AND ABDUCTIONS IN SRI LANKA
HRW, March 8. The resumption of major military operations between the government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in mid-2006 has brought the return of a haunting phenomenon from the country’s past—the widespread abduction and “disappearance” of young men by the parties to the conflict. With the de facto breakdown of the 2002 Norway-brokered ceasefire between the parties, and its formal dissolution in January 2008, it is likely armed conflict will intensify in the coming year. Unless the Sri Lankan government takes far more decisive action to end the practice, uncover the fate of persons unaccounted for, and prosecute those responsible, then 2008 could see another surge in “disappearances.”TLA FORUM Hundreds of enforced disappearances committed since 2006 have already placed Sri Lanka among the countries with the highest number of new cases in the world. The victims are primarily young ethnic Tamil men who “disappear”—often after being picked up by government security forces in the country’s embattled north and east, but also in the capital Colombo. Some may be members or supporters of the LTTE, but this does not justify their detention in secret or without due process. Most are feared dead. More...
THE SECOND FASCIST FRONT IN SRI LANKA – TOWARDS CRUSHING THE MINORITIES AND DISENFRANCHISING THE SINHALESE
UTHR, March 5. The Ceasefire Agreement has been abrogated, the Nordic Monitoring Mission has left and it is now a war without witnesses. Civilians on both sides are the main victims as each side pursues military advantage regardless of them. One way or the other, singly or otherwise, each side has deliberately targeted civilians of the other ethnic group. The bus bombings in Okkampitiya in Moneragala on 17th January and near Madhu in the LTTE-controlled area on 29th January, claiming in all more than two score lives, including women and children, are notable among the continuing outrages. FORUM The LTTE will not be party to any democratic settlement. It will continue along its malefic course giving mutual sustenance to its Sinhalese extremist counterparts. The State, which was functionally truncated into a “Sinhalese State” by the myopic politics of the South and precipitated the Tamil armed struggle, continues to foster impunity – the main tool of an ideologically motivated clique now in control of the government. More...
GETTING PRABHAKARAN
indiatoday, feb 10. The Sri Lankan Army Headquarters in the heart of Colombo is among the most heavily fortified complexes in the country. To get to the office of Lieutenant-General Sarath Fonseka, commander of the army, one has to go through a confusing maze of security checks.Discuss this story More...

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